Goebbels cloned to invoke Fascism once again!
Joseph Goebbels
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Doctor Paul Joseph Goebbels (German pronunciation: IPA: [ˈɡœbəls]; English generally IPA: /ˈɡɝbəlz/ (October 29, 1897 – May 1, 1945) was a German politician and Reich Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. He was one of German dictator Adolf Hitler’s closest associates and most devout followers. Goebbels was known for his zealous, energetic oratory, and venomous anti-Semitism; he is held responsible for Kristallnacht by many historians.
Goebbels earned a Ph.D. in Heidelberg University in 1921, writing his doctoral thesis on 18th century romantic drama; he then went on to work as a journalist and later a bank clerk and caller on the stock exchange. He also wrote novels and plays, but they were refused by publishers. Goebbels came into contact with the Nazi Party in 1923 during the French occupation of the Ruhr and became a member in 1924. He was appointed Gauleiter (regional party leader) of Berlin. In this position, he put his propaganda skills to full use, combatting the local socialist and communist parties with the help of Nazi papers and the paramilitary SA. By 1928 he had risen in the party ranks to become one of its most prominent members.
After the Nazis rose to power in 1933, he was appointed propaganda minister. One of his first acts was to order the burning of books by Jewish or anti-Nazi authors at Bebelplatz and he proceeded to gain full control of every outlet of information in Germany. Following his appointment, his attacks on German Jews became ever fiercer and culminated in the Kristallnacht in 1938, the first open and unrestrained pogrom unleashed by the Nazis.
An early and avid supporter of war, Goebbels did everything in his power to prepare the German people for a large scale military conflict. During World War II, he increased his power and influence through shifting alliances with other Nazi leaders. By late 1943, the tide of the war was turning against the Axis powers, but this only spurred Goebbels to intensify the propaganda by urging the Germans to accept the idea of total war and mobilization. Goebbels remained with Hitler in Berlin to the very end, and following the Führer’s suicide he was the second person to serve as the Third Reich’s Chancellor — albeit for one day. In his final hours, it is suggested Goebbels allowed his wife, Magda, to kill their six young children. Shortly after, Goebbels and his wife both committed suicide.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Goebbels
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US, Pakistan talk strategy in Indian Ocean
www.rediff.com/news/2008/aug/28uspak.htm – 24k – Cached – Similar pages – Note this
military strategy of us imperialism
cpim.org/marxist/199902_marxist_usmilitary_pk.htm – 48k – Cached – Similar pages – Note this
[PDF]
US Strategy with China and India: Striking a Balance to Avoid Conflict
US Strategy with China and India:. Striking a Balance to Avoid Conflict. CADS Staff. Recent progress toward implementing a nuclear cooperation agreement …
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Democrats in united states of America are planning to opt for Unconventional Energy Nation Wide while India chooses the Nuclear option in a divided geopolitics bleeding since partition where three fourth of the population suffer from intense food Insecurity!
It was, of , course a black day of Indian History yesterday which United the Left and the Right!
Super power Phenomenon is all about the enlightenment, awakening, participation, sharing, representation, autonomy, identity, empowerment of the citizens of a Nation. China got the status. USSR lost the position. America holds it due to the internal spirit and strength, democracy within, uncompromising civil war and infinite resistance to ensure Equality, Justice and Freedom amongst all citizens of USA. No one dare to touch a US citizen. Every voice is listened whatsoever. Thus, Barrack Obama has the date with History having Martin Luther King`s dream deep in his Heart.
Where do we stand my friends?
Bloggers and netizens are generally joyful over the Nuclear Supplier Group’s (NSG) stamp of approval on the Indo-US nuclear deal though the odd skeptical voice too can be heard!
Our comradore Ruling Class and a Super slave government of India has done everything possible by passing the Parliament, the People and the Constitution to surrender national Freedom and Sovereignty. But our Media posted crying headings focusing the victory in Vienna! We are celebrating the festival of Death, Inflation, Starvation, Food Insecurity, Unemployment, epidemics, Illiteracy, Human and Civil Rights violations, War, Civil War, Instability,Insurgency, Terror, Extremism, Subversion, Poverty, Deprivement, Discrimination, Injustice, Inequality Communalism, Repression, Tortures, Corruption, Kick Backs, Swiss Bank Accounts,Crimes, Bonded Labour, Human Traffic Natural and Man Made Hazards, Calamities,ethnic Cleansing ,Displacement and Enslavement!
American Mulford and Italian Sonia reining in New Delhi decided the Destiny of Indian nation without any resistance whatsoever! It is, of course, the strongest leadership unprecedented to serve US interests in entire third world! We must congratulate the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh, De facto Prime Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Kakodkar and Menon!
President George Bush has accomplished an unique republican task to bail out US Zionist White War and Weapon Economy struck by Sub Prime Crisis and Recession. Americanism has new definition with the Strategic Realliance of Hindutva Zionist White forces worldwide to fulfill the tasks of Post Modern Galaxy order of Manusmriti and apartheid. American presidents in future have to comply with Bush doctrine and principles despite his dismal records in Middle East. Bush has won the Star Wars as President Ronald Reagan conceived! He has made United States the destiny of south Asia!
Indigenous Communities worldwide, the Black as well as the Untouchable have to feel the Heat, I am afraid of!
I am afraid of that our Black Democratic Presidential Candidate may not wish to have a Cake Walk to the Oval Office in White House!
The Victory in Vienna also heralds a new Era of Nuclear Arms Race. Instable Pakistan has Nuclear Power. United states, the European Community, China and Russia have to use the Nuke deal to launch their Nuclear Weapon Market in South Asia where the War Zone is already transferred from Middle East and Hindutva has put Kashmir on boil to protect US interests!
India`s Political Will is perhaps not sufficient to ease the tension across the fence!
See!
The Chinese government on Saturday not only nearly toppled India’s Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) bid in Vienna, but went a step further by advocating a similar nuclear deal for Pakistan.
China made the case for Pakistan in a veiled statement, saying it hoped the NSG would ‘equally address the aspirations of all parties.’ A number of analysts have taken the phrase ‘of all parties’ to mean a reference to its ally Pakistan.
Chinese Foreign Minister, Cheng Jingye, head of Chinese delegation scheduled to visit on Sunday said, “It is also China’s hope that the NSG would equally address the aspirations of all parties for the peaceful use of nuclear power while adhering to the nuclear non-proliferation mechanism.”
India and the US are elated that their nuclear deal has received endorsement from the NSG but New Delhi is taking up with the Bush Administration the State Department’s controversial letter to US Congress which stated that it would be denied fuel supplies if it conducted a nuclear test, highly placed sources said.
The 26-page letter, released in Washington on the eve of the crucial NSG meeting in Vienna, created a furore in India and led to complications in deliberations of the 45-nation Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) which, however, subsequently granted the coveted waiver to New Delhi.
Super slave, the planted Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan has a super Honey Moon time of his life!He is demonised to suprcede everyone in Congress and is tipped off Winner in the Next lok sabha elections. He has got the certificate of George Bush! Neither Left nor Right has got any equation to defeat Dr Manmohan.
India has a long Shopping List for Inter national Weapon Market! India Incs, Media and Mafia, Resurgent Middle Class and forces of Hindutva back him! He has got the services of Goebells!
With the India-US nuclear deal inching close to fruition, Defence Minister AK Antony Sunday embarked on a four-day visit to the US to enhance military ties. Antony will meet US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Defence Robert M Gates during the Sep 7-10 trip.
On the other hand,Armed with the India-specific waiver from the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is now ready to face the world. Later this month, he will go on a 10-day visit that will take him to the US and France and give him a chance to meet and thank US President George W Bush, who made it all happen.
The two leaders spoke over telephone Saturday shortly after the 45-member NSG announced its decision in Vienna to award the waiver to India, ending the country’s over three-decade long nuclear isolation and opening the doors for commerce with the nuclear cartel.
The time is “very short” for the approval of the Indo-US nuclear deal in the Congressional session beginning shortly, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said while hailing the grant of the NSG waiver to India.
The first thing “is that we still have a little more to do on the determinations for the Hyde Act, and we will try to complete that…,” Rice said in a Roundtable with the Travelling Press in Algiers, the capital of Algeria.
“I have already talked before this NSG, several weeks before, to relevant committee chairs about trying to get it done, and I will have those conversations again, most likely on Monday or Tuesday, as well as trying to see whether the leadership believes that this can go forward.”
Rice, however said, “…we understand that the time is very short. We knew that in the summer, when the Indians were able finally to move this forward in their domestic process.
But I think we have demonstrated the commitment of the administration to this agreement, because we have worked this with the very, very strong help of partners through the IAEA and through the NSG in very rapid order.”
“I don’t think most people thought that we were going to be able to get this through the NSG this weekend,” she said, according to a transcript released here.
The prime minister will leave New Delhi Sep 22 for New York where he is scheduled to deliver a speech at the UN General Assembly Sep 26. On his way, he will make a “technical” halt and stay overnight at Frankfurt.
On Sep 25, he will attend a meeting on The Achievements of the Millennium Development Goals that British Prime Minister Gordon Brown will chair. India and some select countries have been invited to attend.
Later in the day, he is likely to travel to Washington to meet Bush and discuss how the two countries can now work together to bring the India-US nuclear deal to fruition.
It is not clear whether he will have time to meet other US leaders, particularly the two presidential candidates, Barack Obama and John McCain.
Indian officials involved in the planning said loose ends were being tightened and the prime minister’s programme was yet to be finalised.
“But a meeting between the prime minister and President Bush is very much on the cards,” an official said.
Depending on the two leaders’ schedules, they may meet in New York.
On the sidelines of Manmohan Singh’s speech at the General Assembly, a number of bilateral meetings are being planned with key world leaders – many of them from countries that had played a key role in Vienna to get the consensus in the NSG for the Indian waiver.
Manmohan Singh will leave New York for Marseilles in France Sep 28 to attend the India-European Union Summit scheduled there for the next day.
A day later the prime minister will go to Paris for a meeting with French President Nicolas Sarkozy and senior members of his government.
One of the areas of discussions between the Indian and French officials will be nuclear cooperation.
France is a major supplier of nuclear reactors and technologies. For several years it has shown keenness for nuclear commerce with India but the absence of a waiver from the NSG had acted as a roadblock.
Now that India has the NSG waiver, France will be keen to start nuclear business with New Delhi.
However, with the US Congress yet to clear the nuclear deal allowing American companies to enter into nuclear trade with New Delhi, it is not clear if the Manmohan Singh government will formalise any arrangements with France.
The prime minister is scheduled to return to New Delhi Oct 2.
Antony is travelling to the US at the invitation of Gates, who visited India in February.
“The minister is scheduled to hold meetings with Gates on important bilateral issues relating to defence. He will also meet National Security Adviser Stephen Hadley and Rice,” a defence ministry official said.
Sources in the ministry have not ruled out a chance meeting with US President George W Bush.
The Indian delegation also includes Defence Secretary Vijay Singh and three senior officers from the army, navy and air force. Antony last visited the US in June 2005 but he did not hold the defence portfolio then.
“The discussions are expected to include the regional security scenario and matters of mutual concern,” the official said.
Antony will also visit the Arlington National Cemetery and lay a wreath at the tomb of the Unknown Soldier and the Air Force Memorial.
India-US defence ties have proliferated in recent years. The two countries have held around 50 war games in seven years to build ‘interoperability’.
By contrast, the combined figure for India’s military exercises with Russia, France and the Britain is not even a third of that. The latest addition to the list of war games is the prestigious Red Flag Exercise under which the Indian Air Force took part with the US and three other countries.
Antony’s visit starts a day after the 45-nation Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG) took a historic decision to lift a global ban on nuclear trade with India, ending 34 years of New Delhi’s isolation and setting the stage for sealing its landmark nuclear deal with the US.
Besides, three important India-US pacts are close to be finalised.Under one of them, the Logistics Support Agreement (LSA), the Indian and US militaries can refuel ships and aircraft in cashless transactions that are balanced at the end of the year.
Apart from the LSA, the other pacts are the Communication Inter-operability and Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) that will enable the two militaries communicate on a common platform, and an end-user agreement governing the sale of US military hardware to India.
These pacts have been on the backburner for long due to the objections of the Left parties. With the Communists withdrawing their outside support to the government, the way is now clear for inking the agreements, a defence ministry official said.
BJP and Left parties seized on the letter and accused the Government of hiding “facts” and demanded an urgent session of Parliament to discuss the issue.
In the controversial disclosures before the NSG meeting, the US had made it clear that it would stop fuel supplies and other nuclear cooperation if India conducted a nuclear test.
The US position in the letter appeared at variance with New Delhi’s interpretation of some key clauses of the Indo-US nuclear deal.
The letter contained ‘certain’ issues which India will take up with the US, the sources said, adding New Delhi has made it clear where it stands.
They said the 123 Agreement with the US is awaiting signature and now that the NSG waiver is through “we will go through the signature procedure.”
Meanwhile,BJP president Rajnath Singh alleged the UPA government has lost its moral right to continue in office after giving up the country’s right to conduct future nuclear tests and power to develop minimum nuclear deterrence.
“India has lost the power to develop minimum nuclear deterrence after giving up its right to conduct nuclear tests. Hence there is no point in the government continuing in power,” Singh said. He said Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had promised the Parliament that India will not give up its right to conduct nuclear tests.
Expressing regret at the government refusal to set at rest questions raised by the BJP, Singh said, “Our MPs had raised certain apprehensions in Parliament but these were not answered. We have demanded convening of a special session of Parliament and the government should clear these apprehensions then.”
BJP spokesperson Prakash Javadekar said the nuclear deal did not recognise India as a nuclear weapon state. “The conditionalities are not severe and stringent for nuclear weapon states,” he said.
The government, contrarily, welcomed a decision by nuclear supplier nations to end the decades-old ban on trading with the country, saying it would propel India’s future economic growth.
The government called the nuclear trade waiver a “momentous” milestone in its quest to achieve energy security and meet the challenge of global warming. The statement came after the United States won approval in Vienna on Saturday for the one-off waiver for India by the Nuclear Suppliers Group, which controls the export and sale of nuclear technology.
The waiver – a vital step in securing a controversial 2005 India-US civilian technology nuclear accord – marked the end of India’s “decades-long isolation from the nuclear mainstream,” Premier Manmohan Singh said. “The opening of full civil nuclear cooperation between India and the international community will be good for India and for the world,” he said.
“It will give an impetus to India’s pursuit of environmentally sustainable economic growth.” For global nuclear energy companies, the decision opens the door to an atomic reactor market worth billions of dollars, with India aiming to boost its share of nuclear power to five to seven percent by 2030.
The Confederation of Indian Industry forecast business opportunities worth around 30 billion dollars over the next 15 years and said India would need about 18 to 20 more nuclear reactors. It now has 22 reactors.
“The development is a major confidence-building move for the international community to engage with India especially in high technology trade,” said the group’s director general Chandrajit Banerjee. A host of nuclear companies from French state-controlled Areva, Russia’s Rosatom Corp to General Electric of the United States have been jockeying for a slice of India’s lucrative atomic market.
India, where many areas endure power blackouts, has been denied access to civilian nuclear technology since it tested a nuclear weapon in 1974 and refused to sign the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. The Nuclear Suppliers Group was founded to stop other countries emulating India’s example in using imported technology to make an atomic bomb.
The oil-import dependent nation is seeking to broaden its fuel sources to sustain its fast-growing economy.
“This decision enables India to look at nuclear energy in a far more focused manner,” strategic analyst Uday Bhaskar said.
The world’s biggest carbon dioxide emitter for decades has been the United States. But emissions have also rapidly grown in the developing world — and India is now among the top five emitters. “India and China are the swing states on global warming and encouraging them to look at clean nuclear energy can only have a positive impact for global warming,” Bhaskar said.
The landmark deal has stirred huge controversy in India. Both the main opposition Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party and the communists slammed the deal, saying it would curb India’s military options and bring the country’s foreign policy too much under US influence.
“India has walked into the non-proliferation trap set by the US,” senior BJP leader Yashwant Sinha said. But Indian newspapers broadly welcomed the deal, and hailed Singh for his dogged negotiating skills.
The agreement was one of the key foreign policy initiatives of US President George W. Bush as well as of Singh, whose Congress party faces general elections by May 2009. Washington was anxious to get the deal through so the US Congress could ratify it before adjourning at the end of September for the November presidential elections.
Chidanand Rajghatta has rightly pointed out in Economic times:
WASHINGTON: The decline of US power and the fading days of President Bush have been subject of drawing room chatter in strategic circles for months now, but on Saturday, both Washington and the American president showed that when push comes to shove, they can still pack plenty of punch.
Washington drew on all its diplomatic heft and strategic weight to muscle the US-India Civilian Nuclear Agreement through the 45-member Nuclear Suppliers Group, where even one dissenting member could have derailed the agreement. And dissenters there were plenty.
There were half-dozen countries of the ‘green brigade’ – ranging from Norway to New Zealand, whose domestic concerns and constituencies forced them to at least take a public stance against the deal. Ditto Austria. Then there was China, wary of the growing US-India equation and New Delhi own modest progress in the region.
But one by one, the opposition was whittled down. Current and former Indian and US officials who spoke to The Times of India on background described dozens of phone calls “at the highest levels” on Thursday and Friday night to various principals across the world to get the deal through. Among them were calls to Chinese president Hu Jintao and leaders of Ireland, Austria, and New Zealand.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/Max_Americana_US_shows_the_way_at_NSG/articleshow/3454723.cms
7 Sep, 2008, 0605 hrs IST, AGENCIES
6 Sep, 2008, 1820 hrs IST, IANS
NEW DELHI: As many as 400 Indian and foreign firms are seen as the beneficiaries of the far-reaching verdict in Vienna on Saturday where the 45-member Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) decided to resume civilian nuclear commerce with India.
7 Sep, 2008, 1814 hrs IST, REUTERS
- Historic compromise India can live with
K.P. NAYAR
President George W. Bush, who played a decisive role in getting the nuclear deal past the NSG, on the South Lawn of the White House on Saturday. (AFP)
Washington, Sept. 6: The historic compromise exempting India from the rules of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) that was created to counter the first nuclear test in Pokhran 34 years ago requires an immediate meeting of the 45-nation group if India tests another atomic bomb.
The decision to exempt India from NSG guidelines for nuclear commerce came after the group reconvened today for a previously unscheduled meeting after two days of deliberations failed to reach any agreement.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1080907/jsp/frontpage/story_9799685.jsp
Joseph Goebbels
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Dr. Joseph Goebbels
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Dr. Paul Joseph Goebbels, leader of the Nazi Party’s propaganda unit, later the minister in charge of Nazi Propaganda and Adolf Hitler’s successor as the Chancellor of Germany. |
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| In office April 30 – May 1, 1945 |
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| President | Karl Dönitz |
| Preceded by | Adolf Hitler |
| Succeeded by | Lutz von Krosigk |
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| In office March 13, 1933 – April 30, 1945 |
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| Preceded by | None (Ministry formed in March 1933.) |
| Succeeded by | Werner Naumann |
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| Born | October 29, 1897(1897-10-29) Rheydt, Prussia, Germany |
| Died | May 1, 1945 (aged 47) Berlin, Germany |
| Political party | National Socialist German Workers Party |
| Spouse | Magda Goebbels |
| Alma mater | University of Bonn University of Würzburg University of Freiburg University of Heidelberg |
| Occupation | Politician |
| Signature |  |
Doctor Paul Joseph Goebbels (German pronunciation: IPA: [ˈɡœbəls]; English generally IPA: /ˈɡɝbəlz/ (October 29, 1897 – May 1, 1945) was a German politician and Reich Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. He was one of German dictator Adolf Hitler’s closest associates and most devout followers. Goebbels was known for his zealous, energetic oratory, and venomous anti-Semitism; he is held responsible for Kristallnacht by many historians.
Goebbels earned a Ph.D. in Heidelberg University in 1921, writing his doctoral thesis on 18th century romantic drama; he then went on to work as a journalist and later a bank clerk and caller on the stock exchange. He also wrote novels and plays, but they were refused by publishers. Goebbels came into contact with the Nazi Party in 1923 during the French occupation of the Ruhr and became a member in 1924. He was appointed Gauleiter (regional party leader) of Berlin. In this position, he put his propaganda skills to full use, combatting the local socialist and communist parties with the help of Nazi papers and the paramilitary SA. By 1928 he had risen in the party ranks to become one of its most prominent members.
After the Nazis rose to power in 1933, he was appointed propaganda minister. One of his first acts was to order the burning of books by Jewish or anti-Nazi authors at Bebelplatz and he proceeded to gain full control of every outlet of information in Germany. Following his appointment, his attacks on German Jews became ever fiercer and culminated in the Kristallnacht in 1938, the first open and unrestrained pogrom unleashed by the Nazis.
An early and avid supporter of war, Goebbels did everything in his power to prepare the German people for a large scale military conflict. During World War II, he increased his power and influence through shifting alliances with other Nazi leaders. By late 1943, the tide of the war was turning against the Axis powers, but this only spurred Goebbels to intensify the propaganda by urging the Germans to accept the idea of total war and mobilization. Goebbels remained with Hitler in Berlin to the very end, and following the Führer’s suicide he was the second person to serve as the Third Reich’s Chancellor — albeit for one day. In his final hours, it is suggested Goebbels allowed his wife, Magda, to kill their six young children. Shortly after, Goebbels and his wife both committed suicide.
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[edit] Early life
Goebbels was born in Rheydt, an industrial town south of Mönchengladbach (of which it is now part) on the edge of the Ruhr district.[1] His family were Catholics of modest means, his father a factory clerk, his mother originally a farmhand. He had four siblings: Konrad (1895–1949), Hans (1893–1947), Elisabeth (1901–1915) and Maria (born 1910, later married to the German filmmaker Max W. Kimmich). Goebbels was educated at a Gymnasium, or secondary school, where he completed his Abitur (university entrance examination) in 1916. Beginning in childhood, he had a deformed right leg, the result either of club foot or osteomyelitis.[2] He wore a metal brace and special shoe to compensate for his shortened leg, but nevertheless walked with a limp all his life. As a result of these conditions, he was rejected for military service in World War I, which he bitterly resented. He later frequently misrepresented himself as a war veteran and misrepresented his disability as a war wound.[3] The nearest he came to military service was as an “office soldier” from June 1917 to October 1917 in Rheydt’s “Patriotic Help Unit”.[4]
Goebbels compensated for his physical frailty with intellectual accomplishments. He originally intended to train as a priest, but after growing distant from his Catholic faith[5] he studied literature and philosophy at universities in Bonn, Würzburg, Freiburg im Breisgau and Heidelberg, where he wrote his doctoral thesis on the 18th century romantic novelist Wilhelm von Schütz. His two most influential teachers, Friedrich Gundolf and his doctoral supervisor at Heidelberg, Max Freiherr von Waldberg, were Jews. His intelligence and political astuteness were generally acknowledged even by his enemies.[6]
After completing his doctorate in 1921, Goebbels worked as a journalist and tried for several years to become a published author. He wrote a semi-autobiographical novel, Michael, two verse plays, and quantities of romantic poetry. In these works, he revealed the psychological damage his physical limitations had caused. “The very name of the hero, Michael, to whom he gave many autobiographical features, suggests the way his self-identification was pointing: a figure of light, radiant, tall, unconquerable,” and above all “‘To be a soldier! To stand sentinel! One ought always to be a soldier,’ wrote Michael-Goebbels.”[7] Goebbels found another form of compensation in the pursuit of women, a lifelong compulsion which he indulged “with extraordinary vigour and a surprising degree of success.”[8] His diaries reveal a long succession of affairs, before and after his marriage in 1931 to Magda Quandt, with whom he had six children.
Goebbels was embittered by the frustration of his literary career; his novel did not find a publisher until 1929 and his plays were never staged. He found an outlet for his desire to write in his diaries, which he began in 1923 and continued for the rest of his life.[9] He later worked as a bank clerk and a caller on the stock exchange.[10] During this period, he read avidly and formed his political views. Major influences were Friedrich Nietzsche, Oswald Spengler and, most importantly, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, the British-born German writer who was one of the founders of “scientific” anti-Semitism, and whose book The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century (1899) was one of the standard works of the extreme right in Germany. Goebbels spent the winter of 1919–20 in Munich, where he witnessed and admired the violent nationalist reaction against the attempted communist revolution in Bavaria. His first political hero was Anton Graf von Arco auf Valley, the man who assassinated the Munich socialist leader Kurt Eisner.[11] Hitler was in Munich at the same time and entered politics as a result of similar experiences.
The culture of the German extreme right was violent and anti-intellectual, which posed a challenge to the physically frail University graduate. Joachim Fest writes:
This was the source of his hatred of the intellect, which was a form of self-hatred, his longing to degrade himself, to submerge himself in the ranks of the masses, which ran curiously parallel with his ambition and his tormenting need to distinguish himself. He was incessantly tortured by the fear of being regarded as a ‘bourgeois intellectual’… It always seemed as if he were offering blind devotion (to Nazism) to make up for his lack of all those characteristics of the racial elite which nature had denied him.[12]
[edit] Nazi Activist
Goebbels’s 1938 identity document as a member of the Reichstag.
Like others who were later prominent in the Third Reich, Goebbels came into contact with the Nazi Party in 1923, during the campaign of resistance to the French occupation of the Ruhr. Hitler’s imprisonment following the failed November 1923 “Beer Hall Putsch” left the party temporarily leaderless, and when the 27-year-old Goebbels joined the party in late 1924 the most important influence on his political development was Gregor Strasser, who became Nazi organiser in northern Germany in March 1924. Strasser (“the most able of the leading Nazis” of this period)[13] took the “socialist” component of National Socialism far more seriously than did Hitler and other members of the Bavarian leadership of the party.
“National and socialist! What goes first, and what comes afterwards?” Goebbels asked rhetorically in a debate with Theodore Vahlen, Gauleiter (regional party head) of Pomerania, in the Rhineland party newspaper National-sozialistische Briefe (National-Socialist Letters), of which he was editor, in mid 1925. “With us in the west, there can be no doubt. First socialist redemption, then comes national liberation like a whirlwind… Hitler stands between both opinions, but he is on his way to coming over to us completely.”[14] Goebbels, with his journalistic skills, thus soon became a key ally of Strasser in his struggle with the Bavarians over the party programme. The conflict was not, so they thought, with Hitler, but with his lieutenants, Rudolf Hess, Julius Streicher and Hermann Esser, who, they said, were mismanaging the party in Hitler’s absence. In 1925, Goebbels published an open letter to “my friends of the left,” urging unity between socialists and Nazis against the capitalists. “You and I,” he wrote, “we are fighting one another although we are not really enemies.”[15]
In February 1926, Hitler, having finished working on Mein Kampf, made a sudden return to party affairs and soon disabused the northerners of any illusions about where he stood. He summoned about sixty gauleiters and other activists, including Goebbels, to a meeting at Bamberg, in Streicher’s Gau of Franconia, where he gave a two-hour speech repudiating the political programme of the “socialist” wing of the party. For Hitler, the real enemy of the German people was always the Jews, not the capitalists. Goebbels was bitterly disillusioned. “I feel devastated,” he wrote. “What sort of Hitler? A reactionary?” He was horrified by Hitler’s characterisation of socialism as “a Jewish creation,” his declaration that the Soviet Union must be destroyed, and his assertion that private property would not be expropriated by a Nazi government. “I no longer fully believe in Hitler. That’s the terrible thing: my inner support has been taken away.”[16]
Hitler, however, recognised Goebbels’s talents, and he was a shrewd judge of character; he knew that Goebbels craved recognition above all else. In April, he brought Goebbels to Munich, sending his own car to meet him at the railway station, and gave him a long private audience. Hitler berated Goebbels over his support for the “socialist” line, but offered to “wipe the slate clean” if Goebbels would now accept his leadership. Goebbels capitulated completely, offering Hitler his total loyalty — a pledge which was clearly sincere, and which he adhered to until the end of his life. “I love him… He has thought through everything,” Goebbels wrote. “Such a sparkling mind can be my leader. I bow to the greater one, the political genius. Later he wrote: “Adolf Hitler, I love you because you are both great and simple at the same time. What one calls a genius.”[17] Fest writes:
From this point on he submitted himself, his whole existence, to his attachment to the person of the Führer, consciously eliminating all inhibitions springing from intellect, free will and self-respect. Since this submission was an act less of faith than of insight, it stood firm through all vicissitudes to the end. ‘He who forsakes the Führer withers away,’ he would later write.
[edit] Propagandist in Berlin
In October 1926, Hitler rewarded Goebbels for his new loyalty by making him the party “Gauleiter” for the Berlin section of the National Socialists. Goebbels was then able to use the new position to indulge his literary aspirations in the German capital, which he perceived to be a stronghold of the socialists and communists. Here, Goebbels discovered his talent as a propagandist, writing such tracts as 1926’s The Second Revolution and Lenin or Hitler.[18]
Here, he was also able to indulge his heretofore latent taste for violence, if only vicariously through the actions of the street fighters under his command. History, he said, “is made in the street,” and he was determined to challenge the dominant parties of the left — the Social Democrats and Communists — in the streets of Berlin.[19] Working with the local S.A. (stormtrooper) leaders, he deliberately provoked beer-hall battles and street brawls, frequently involving firearms. “Beware, you dogs,” he wrote to his former “friends of the left”: “When the Devil is loose in me you will not curb him again.” When the inevitable deaths occurred, he exploited them for the maximum effect, turning the street fighter Horst Wessel, who was killed at his home by enemy political activists, into a martyr and hero.[20]
In Berlin, Goebbels was able to give full expression to his genius for propaganda, as editor of the Berlin Nazi newspaper Der Angriff (The Attack) and as the author of a steady stream of Nazi posters and handbills. “He rose within a few months to be the city’s most feared agitator.”[21] His propaganda techniques were totally cynical: “That propaganda is good which leads to success, and that is bad which fails to achieve the desired result,” he wrote. “It is not propaganda’s task to be intelligent, its task is to lead to success.”[22]
Among his favourite targets were socialist leaders such as Hermann Müller and Carl Severing, and the Jewish Berlin Police President, Bernhard Weiss, whom he subjected to a relentless campaign of Jew-baiting in the hope of provoking a crackdown which he could then exploit. The Social Democrat city government obliged in 1927 with an eight-month ban on the party, which Goebbels exploited to the hilt. When a friend criticised him for denigrating Weiss, a man with an exemplary military record, “he explained cynically that he wasn’t in the least interested in Weiss, only in the propaganda effect.”[23]
Goebbels also discovered a talent for oratory, and was soon second in the Nazi movement only to Hitler as a public speaker. Where Hitler’s style was hoarse and passionate, Goebbels’s was cool, sarcastic and often humorous: he was a master of biting invective and insinuation, although he could whip himself into a rhetorical frenzy if the occasion demanded. Unlike Hitler, however, he retained a cynical detachment from his own rhetoric. He openly acknowledged that he was exploiting the lowest instincts of the German people — racism, xenophobia, class envy and insecurity. He could, he said, play the popular will like a piano, leading the masses wherever he wanted them to go. “He drove his listeners into ecstasy, making them stand up, sing songs, raise their arms, repeat oaths — and he did it, not through the passionate inspiration of the moment, but as the result of sober psychological calculation.”[24]
Goebbels’s words and actions made little impact on the political loyalties of Berlin.[25] At the 1928 Reichstag elections, the Nazis polled less than two percent of the vote in Berlin compared with 33 percent for the Social Democrats and 25 percent for the Communists. At this election Goebbels was one of the 10 Nazis elected to the Reichstag, which brought him a salary of 750 Reichsmarks a month and immunity from prosecution.[26] Even when the impact of the Great Depression led to an enormous surge in support for the Nazis across Germany, Berlin resisted the party’s appeal more than any other part of Germany: at its peak in 1932, the Nazi Party polled 28 percent in Berlin to the combined left’s 55 percent.[27] But his outstanding talents, and the obvious fact that he stood high in Hitler’s regard, earned Goebbels the grudging respect of the anti-intellectual brawlers of the Nazi movement, who called him “our little doctor” with a mixture of affection and amusement. By 1928, still aged only 31, he was acknowledged to be one of the inner circle of Nazi leaders. “The S.A. would have let itself be hacked to bits for him,” wrote Horst Wessel in 1929.[28]
The Great Depression led to a new resurgence of “left” sentiment in some sections of the Nazi Party, led by Gregor Strasser’s brother Otto, who argued that the party ought to be competing with the Communists for the loyalties of the unemployed and the industrial workers by promising to expropriate the capitalists. Hitler, whose dislike of working-class militancy reflected his social origins in the small-town lower-middle class, was thoroughly opposed to this line. He recognised that the growth in Nazi support at the 1930 elections had mainly come from the middle class and from farmers, and he was now busy building bridges to the upper middle classes and to German business. In April 1930, he fired Strasser as head of the Nazi Party national propaganda apparatus and appointed Goebbels to replace him, giving him control of the party’s national newspaper, the Völkischer Beobachter (People’s Observer), as well as other Nazi papers across the country. Goebbels, although he continued to show “leftish” tendencies in some of his actions (such as co-operating with the Communists in supporting the Berlin transport workers’ strike in November 1932),[29] was totally loyal to Hitler in his struggle with the Strassers, which culminated in Otto’s expulsion from the party in July 1930.[30]
Despite his revolutionary rhetoric, Goebbels’s most important contribution to the Nazi cause between 1930 and 1933 was as the organiser of successive election campaigns: The Reichstag elections of September 1930, July and November 1932 and March 1933, and Hitler’s presidential campaign of March–April 1932. He proved to be an organiser of genius, choreographing Hitler’s dramatic aeroplane tours of Germany and pioneering the use of radio and cinema for electoral campaigning. The Nazi Party’s use of torchlight parades, brass bands, massed choirs and similar techniques caught the imagination of many voters, particularly young people. “His propaganda headquarters in Munich sent out a constant stream of directives to local and regional party sections, often providing fresh slogans and fresh material for the campaign.”[31] Although the spectacular rise in the Nazi vote in 1930 and July 1932 was caused mainly by the effects of the Depression, Goebbels as party campaign manager was naturally given much of the credit.
[edit] Propaganda Minister
A popular image created by Boris Efimov mocking Joseph Goebbels as Propaganda Minister.
When Hitler was appointed Reich Chancellor of Germany on 30 January 1933, Goebbels was initially given no office: the coalition cabinet which Hitler headed contained only a minority of Nazis as part of the deal he had negotiated with President Paul von Hindenburg and the conservative parties. But as the propaganda head of the ruling party, a party which had no great respect for the law, he immediately began to behave as though he were in power. He commandeered the state radio to produce a live broadcast of the torchlight parade which celebrated Hitler’s assumption of office. On 13 March, Goebbels had his reward for his part in bringing the Nazis to power by being appointed Reich Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda (Volksaufklärung und Propaganda), with a seat in the Cabinet.
The role of the new ministry, which took over palatial accommodation in the 18th century Leopold Palace on Wilhelmstrasse, just across from Hitler’s offices in the Reich Chancellery, was to centralise Nazi control of all aspects of German cultural and intellectual life, particularly the press, radio and the visual and performing arts.[32] On 1 May, Goebbels organised the massive demonstrations and parades to mark the “Day of National Labour” which preceded the Nazi takeover and destruction of the German trade union movement. By 3 May, he was able to boast in his diary: “We are the masters of Germany.”[33] On 10 May, he supervised an even more symbolic event in the establishment of Nazi cultural power: the burning of up to 20,000 books by Jewish or anti-Nazi authors in the Opernplatz next to the university.[34]
The hegemonic ambitions of the Propaganda Ministry were shown by the divisions which Goebbels soon established: press, radio, film, theatre, music, literature and publishing. In each of these, a Reich Chamber (Reichskammer) was established, co-opting leading figures from the field (usually not known Nazis) to head each Chamber, and requiring them to supervise the purge of Jews, socialists and liberals, as well as practitioners of “degenerate” art forms such as abstract art and atonal music.[35] The respected composer Richard Strauss, for example, became head of the Reich Music Chamber. Goebbels’ orders were backed by the threat of force. The many prominent Jews in the arts and the mass media emigrated in large numbers rather than risk the fists of the S.A. and the gates of the concentration camp, as did many socialists and liberals. Some non-Jewish anti-Nazis with good connections or international reputations survived until the mid 1930s, but most were forced out sooner or later.
Control of the arts and media was not just a matter of personnel. Soon the content of every newspaper, book, novel, play, film, broadcast and concert, from the level of nationally-known publishers and orchestras to local newspapers and village choirs, was subject to supervision by the Propaganda Ministry, although a process of self-censorship was soon effectively operating in all these fields, leaving the Ministry in Berlin free to concentrate on the most politically sensitive areas such as major newspapers and the state radio. No author could publish, no painter could exhibit, no singer could broadcast, no critic could criticise, unless they were a member of the appropriate Reich Chamber, and membership was conditional on good behaviour. Goebbels could bribe as well as threaten: he secured a large budget for his Ministry, with which he was able to offer generous salaries and subsidies to those in the arts who co-operated with him. These were inducements which most artists, theatres and orchestras, after their struggles to survive during the Depression, found hard to refuse.[36]
As the most highly educated member of the Nazi leadership, and the one with the most authentic pretensions to high culture, Goebbels was sensitive to charges that he was dragging German culture down to the level of mere propaganda. He responded by saying that the purpose of both art and propaganda was to bring about a spiritual mobilisation of the German people. He was, in fact, far from the most militant member of the Nazi leadership on cultural questions. The more philistine Nazis wanted nothing in German books but Nazi slogans, nothing on German stages and cinema screens but Nazi heroics, and nothing in German concert halls but German folk songs.
Goebbels insisted that German high culture must be allowed to carry on, both for reasons of international prestige and to win the loyalty of the upper middle classes, who valued art forms such as opera and the symphony. He thus became to some extent the protector of the arts as well as their regulator. In this, he had the support of Hitler, a passionate devotee of Richard Wagner. But Goebbels always had to bow to Hitler’s views. Hitler loathed modernism of all kinds, and Goebbels (whose own tastes were sympathetic to modernism) was forced to acquiesce in imposing very traditionalist forms on the artistic and musical worlds. The music of Paul Hindemith, for example, was banned simply because Hitler did not like it.
Goebbels also resisted the complete Nazification of the arts because he knew that the masses must be allowed some respite from slogans and propaganda. He ensured that film studios such as UFA at Babelsberg near Berlin continued to produce a stream of comedies and light romances, which drew mass audiences to the cinema where they would also watch propaganda newsreels and Nazi epics. His abuse of his position as Propaganda Minister and the reputation that built up around his use of the “casting couch” was well known. Many actresses wrote later of how Goebbels had tried to lure them to his home. He acquired the nickname “Bock von Babelsberg” lit: “Babelsberg Stud”. He resisted considerable pressure to ban all foreign films — helped by the fact that Hitler was a big fan of Mickey Mouse. For the same reason, Goebbels worked to bring culture to the masses — promoting the sale of cheap radios, organising free concerts in factories, staging art exhibitions in small towns and establishing mobile cinemas to bring the movies to every village. All of this served short-term propaganda ends, but also served to reconcile the German people, particularly the working class, to the regime.[37]
[edit] Goebbels and the Jews
Despite the enormous power of the Propaganda Ministry over German cultural life, Goebbels’ status began to decline once the Nazi regime was firmly established in power.[38] This was because the real business of the Nazi regime was preparation for war, and although propaganda was a part of this, it was not the main game. By the mid 1930s, Hitler’s most powerful subordinates were Hermann Göring, as head of the Four Year Plan for crash rearmament, and Heinrich Himmler, head of the SS and police apparatus. Once the internal enemies of the Nazi Party were destroyed, as they effectively were by 1935, Goebbels’s propaganda efforts began to lose their point, and without an enemy to fight, his rhetoric began to sound hollow and unconvincing.
As a man of education and culture, Goebbels had once mocked the “primitive” anti-Semitism of Nazis such as Julius Streicher. But as Joachim Fest observes: “Goebbels [found] in the increasingly unrestrained practice of anti-Semitism by the state new possibilities into which he threw himself with all the zeal of an ambitious man worried by a constant diminution of his power.” Fest also suggests a psychological motive: “A man who conformed so little to the National Socialist image of the elite… may have had his reason, in the struggles for power at Hitler’s court, for offering keen anti-Semitism as a counterweight to his failure to conform to a type.”[39] Whatever his motives, Goebbels took every opportunity to attack the Jews. From 1933 onwards, he was bracketed with Streicher among the regime’s most virulent anti-Semites.[40] “Some people think,” he told a Berlin rally in June 1935, “that we haven’t noticed how the Jews are trying once again to spread themselves over all our streets. The Jews ought to please observe the laws of hospitality and not behave as if they were the same as us.”
The sarcastic “humour” of Goebbels’ speeches did not conceal the reality of his threat to the Jews. In his capacity as Gauleiter of Berlin, and thus as de facto ruler of the capital (although there was still officially an Oberbürgermeister and city council), Goebbels maintained constant pressure on the city’s large Jewish community, forcing them out of business and professional life and placing obstacles in the way of their being able to live normal lives, such as banning them from public transport and city facilities. There was some respite during 1936, while Berlin hosted the Olympic Games,[41] but from 1937 the intensity of his anti-Semitic words and actions began to increase again. “The Jews must get out of Germany, indeed out of Europe altogether,” he wrote in his diary in November 1937. “That will take some time, but it must and will happen.”[42] By mid 1938 Goebbels was investigating the possibility of requiring all Jews to wear an identifying mark and of confining them to a ghetto, but these were ideas whose time had not yet come. “Aim—drive the Jews out of Berlin,” he wrote in his diary in June 1938, “and without any sentimentality.”[43]
In November 1938, Goebbels got the chance to take decisive action against the Jews for which he had been waiting when a Jewish youth, Herschel Grynszpan, shot a German diplomat in Paris, Ernst vom Rath, in revenge for the deportation of his family to Poland and the persecution of German Jews generally.[44] On 9 November, the evening vom Rath died of his wounds, Goebbels was at the Bürgerbräu Keller in Munich with Hitler, celebrating the anniversary of the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch with a large crowd of veteran Nazis. Goebbels told Hitler that “spontaneous” anti-Jewish violence had already broken out in German cities, although in fact this was not true: this was a clear case of Goebbels manipulating Hitler for his own ends. When Hitler said he approved of what was happening, Goebbels took this as authorisation to organise a massive, nationwide pogrom against the Jews. He wrote in his diary:
[Hitler] decides: demonstrations should be allowed to continue. The police should be withdrawn. For once the Jews should get the feel of popular anger… I immediately gave the necessary instructions to the police and the Party. Then I briefly speak in that vein to the Party leadership. Stormy applause. All are instantly at the phones. Now people will act.[45]
To say that Goebbels manipulated Hitler into approving the pogrom of Kristallnacht is not to suggest that Hitler’s anti-Semitism was any less virulent than Goebbels’s. But it is clear that the idea of a state-sponsored pogrom originated with Goebbels, and that he gained Hitler’s approval for it by falsely telling Hitler that it had already begun.
The result of Goebbels’ incitement was Kristallnacht, the “Night of Broken Glass,” during which the S.A. and Nazi Party went on a rampage of anti-Jewish violence and destruction, killing at least 90 and maybe as many as 200 people (not counting several hundred suicides), destroying over a thousand synagogues and hundreds of Jewish businesses and homes, and dragging some 30,000 Jews off to concentration camps, where at least another thousand died before the remainder were released after several months of brutal treatment. The longer-term effect was to drive 80,000 Jews to emigrate, most leaving behind all their property in their desperation to escape. Foreign opinion reacted with horror, bringing to a sudden end the climate of appeasement of Nazi Germany in the western democracies. Goebbels’s pogrom thus moved Germany significantly closer to war, at a time when rearmament was still far from complete. Göring and some other Nazi leaders were furious at Goebbels’ actions, about which they had not been consulted.[46] Goebbels, however, was delighted. “As was to be expected, the entire nation is in uproar,” he wrote. “This is one dead man who is costing the Jews dear. Our darling Jews will think twice in future before gunning down German diplomats.”[47] In 1942 Goebbels was involved in deportation of Berlin’s Jews.[48]
[edit] Man of power
These events were well-timed from the point of view of Goebbels’s relations with Hitler. In 1937, he had begun an intense affair with the Czech actress Lída Baarová, causing the break-up of her marriage. When Magda Goebbels learned of this affair in October 1938, she complained to Hitler, a conservative in sexual matters who was fond of Magda and the Goebbels’ young children. He ordered Goebbels to break off his affair, whereupon Goebbels offered his resignation, which Hitler refused. On 15 October, Goebbels attempted suicide. A furious Hitler then ordered Himmler to remove Baarová from Germany, and she was deported to Czechoslovakia, from where she later left for Italy. These events damaged Goebbels’ standing with Hitler, and his zeal in furthering Hitler’s anti-Semitic agenda was in part an effort to restore his reputation.[49] The Baarová affair, however, did nothing to dampen Goebbels’ enthusiasm for womanising. As late as 1943, the Hitler Youth leader Artur Axmann was ingratiating himself with Goebbels by procuring young women for him.[50]
Goebbels, like all the Nazi leaders, could not afford to defy Hitler’s will in matters of this kind. By 1938, they had all become wealthy men, but their wealth was dependent on Hitler’s continuing goodwill and willingness to turn a blind eye to their corruption. Until the Nazis came to power, Goebbels had been a relatively poor man, and his main income was the salary of 750 Reichsmarks a month he had gained by election to the Reichstag in 1928. By 1936, although he was not nearly as corrupt as some other senior Nazis, such as Göring and Robert Ley, Goebbels was earning 300,000 Reichsmarks a year in “fees” for writing in his own newspaper, Der Angriff, as well as his ministerial salary and many other sources of income. These payments were in effect bribes from the papers’ publisher Max Amann. He owned a villa by the lake at Wannsee and another on Lake Constance in the south, which he spent 2.2 million Reichsmarks refurbishing. The tax office, as it did for all the Nazi leaders, gave him generous exemptions.[51] Hitler apparently connived at the corruption of his lieutenants because of the power it gave him over them.
Whatever the loss of real power suffered by Goebbels during the middle years of the Nazi regime, he remained one of Hitler’s intimates. Since his offices were close to the Chancellery, he was a frequent guest for lunch, during which he became adept at listening to Hitler’s monologues and agreeing with his opinions. In the months leading up to the war, his influence began to increase again. He ranked along with Joachim von Ribbentrop, Göring, Himmler and Martin Bormann as the senior Nazi with the most access to Hitler, which in an autocratic regime meant access to power. The fact that Hitler was fond of Magda Goebbels and the children also gave Goebbels entrée to Hitler’s inner circle. The Goebbelses were regular visitors to Hitler’s Bavarian mountain retreat, the Berghof. But he was not kept directly informed of military and diplomatic developments, relying on second-hand accounts to hear what Hitler was doing.[52]
[edit] Goebbels at war
In the years 1936 to 1939, Hitler, while professing his desire for peace, led Germany firmly and deliberately towards a confrontation.[53] Goebbels was one of the most enthusiastic proponents of aggressively pursuing Germany’s territorial claims sooner rather than later, along with Himmler and Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop.[54] He saw it as his job to make the German people accept this and if possible welcome it. At the time of the Sudetenland crisis in 1938, Goebbels was well aware that the great majority of Germans did not want a war, and used every propaganda resource at his disposal to overcome what he called this “war psychosis,” by whipping up sympathy for the Sudeten Germans and hatred of the Czechs.[55] After the western powers conceded to Hitler’s demands concerning Czechoslovakia in 1938, Goebbels soon redirected his propaganda machine against Poland. From May onwards, he orchestrated a “hate campaign” against Poland, fabricating stories about atrocities against ethnic Germans in Danzig and other cities. Even so, he was unable to persuade the majority of Germans to welcome the prospect of war.[56]
Once war began in September 1939, Goebbels began a steady process of extending his influence over domestic policy. After 1940, Hitler made few public appearances, and even his broadcasts became less frequent, so Goebbels increasingly became the face and the voice of the Nazi regime for the German people.[57] With Hitler preoccupied with the war, Himmler focussing on the “final solution to the Jewish question” in eastern Europe, and with Hermann Göring’s position declining with the failure of the German Air Force (Luftwaffe), Goebbels sensed a power vacuum in domestic policy and moved to fill it. Since civilian morale was his responsibility, he increasingly concerned himself with matters such as wages, rationing and housing, which affected morale and therefore productivity. He came to see the lethargic and demoralised Göring, still Germany’s economic supremo as head of the Four Year Plan Ministry, as his main enemy. To undermine Göring, he forged an alliance with Himmler, although the SS chief remained wary of him. A more useful ally was Albert Speer, a Hitler favourite who was appointed Armaments Minister in February 1942. Goebbels and Speer worked through 1942 to persuade Hitler to dismiss Göring and allow the domestic economy to be run by a revived Cabinet headed by themselves.
However, in February 1943, the crushing German defeat at the Battle of Stalingrad produced a crisis in the regime. Goebbels was forced to ally himself with Göring to thwart a bid for power by Bormann, head of the Nazi Party Chancellery and Secretary to the Führer. Bormann who exploited the disaster at Stalingrad and his daily access to Hitler to persuade him to create a three-man junta representing the State, the Army, and the Party. represented respectively by Hans Lammers, head of the Reich Chancellery, Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, chief of the OKW (armed forces high command), and Bormann, who controlled the Party and access to the Führer. This Committee of Three would exercise dictatorial powers over the home front. Goebbels, Speer, Göring and Himmler all saw this proposal as a power grab by Bormann and a threat to their power, and combined to block it.
However, their alliance was shaky at best. This was mainly due to the fact that during this period Himmler was still cooperating with Bormann to gain more power at the expense of Göring and most of the traditional Reich administration; Göring’s loss of power had resulted in an overindulgence in the trappings of power and his strained relations with Goebbels made it difficult for a unified coalition to be formed, despite the attempts of Speer and Göring’s Luftwaffe deputy Field Marshal Erhard Milch, to reconcile the two Party comrades.
Goebbels instead tried to persuade Hitler to appoint Göring as head of the government. His proposal had a certain logic, as Göring — despite the failures of the Luftwaffe and his own corruption — was still very popular among the German people, whose morale was waning since Hitler barely appeared in public since the defeat at Stalingrad. However, this proposal was increasingly unworkable given Göring’s increasing incapacity and, more importantly, Hitler’s increasing contempt for him due to his blaming of Göring for Germany’s defeats. This was a measure by Hitler designed to deflect criticism from himself.
The result was that nothing was done—the Committee of Three declined into irrelevance due to the loss of power by Keitel and Lammers and the ascension of Bormann and the situation continued to drift, with administrative chaos increasingly undermining the war effort. The ultimate responsibility for this lay with Hitler, as Goebbels well knew, referring in his diary to a “crisis of leadership,” but Goebbels was too much under Hitler’s spell ever to challenge his power.[58]
Goebbels launched a new offensive to place himself at the center of policy-making. On 18 February, he delivered a passionate “Total War Speech” at the Sports Palace in Berlin. Goebbels demanded from his audience a commitment to “total war,” the complete mobilisation of the German economy and German society for the war effort. To motivate the German people to continue the struggle, he cited three theses as the basis of this argument:
- If the German Armed Forces (Wehrmacht) were not in a position to break the danger from the Eastern front, then Nazi Germany would fall to Bolshevism, and all of Europe would fall shortly afterwards;
- The German Armed Forces, the German people, and the Axis Powers alone had the strength to save Europe from this threat;
- Danger was a motivating force. Germany had to act quickly and decisively, or it would be too late.
Goebbels concluded that “Two thousand years of Western history are in danger,” and he blamed Germany’s failures on the Jews.
Goebbels hoped in this way to persuade Hitler to give him and his ally Speer control of domestic policy for a program of total commitment to arms production and full labor conscription, including women. But Hitler, supported by Göring, resisted these demands, which he feared would weaken civilian morale and lead to a repeat of the debacle of 1918, when the German army had been undermined (in Hitler’s view) by a collapse of the home front. Nor was Hitler willing to allow Goebbels or anyone else to usurp his own power as the ultimate source of all decisions. Goebbels privately lamented “a complete lack of direction in German domestic policy,” but of course he could not directly criticise Hitler or go against his wishes.[59]
[edit] Goebbels and the Holocaust
Heinrich Himmler, one of the architects of the Holocaust, preferred that the matter not be discussed in public. Despite this, in an editorial in his newspaper Das Reich in November 1941 he quoted Hitler’s 1939 “prophecy” that the Jews would be the loser in the coming world war.[60] Now, he said, Hitler’s prophecy was coming true: “Jewry,” he said, “is now suffering the gradual process of annihilation which it intended for us… It now perishes according to its own precept of ‘an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth’!”[61]
In 1939, in a speech to the Reichstag, Hitler had said:
If international finance Jewry in and outside Europe should succeed in thrusting the nations once again into a world war, then the result will not be the Bolshevisation of the earth and with it the victory of Jewry, but the destruction of the Jewish race in Europe.[62]
The view of most historians is that the decision to proceed with the extermination of the Jews was taken at some point in late 1941, and Goebbels’ comments make it clear that he knew in general terms, if not in detail, what was planned.[63]
The decision in principle to deport the German and Austrian Jews to unspecified destinations “in the east” was made in September. Goebbels immediately pressed for the Berlin Jews to be deported first. He travelled to Hitler’s headquarters on the eastern front, meeting both Hitler and Reinhard Heydrich to lobby for his demands. He got the assurances he wanted: “The Führer is of the opinion,” he wrote, “that the Jews eventually have to be removed from the whole of Germany. The first cities to be made Jew-free are Berlin, Vienna and Prague. Berlin is first in the queue, and I have the hope that we’ll succeed in the course of this year.”[64]
Deportations of Berlin Jews to the Łódź ghetto began in October, but transport and other difficulties made the process much slower than Goebbels desired. His November article in Das Reich was part of his campaign to have the pace of deportation accelerated.
In December, he was present when Hitler addressed a meeting of Gauleiters and other senior Nazis, discussing among other things the “Jewish question.” He wrote in his diary afterwards:
With regard to the Jewish Question, the Führer is determined to make a clean sweep of it. He prophesied that, if they brought about another world war, they would experience their annihilation. That was no empty talk. The world war is here [this was the week Germany declared war on the United States]. The annihilation of Jewry must be the necessary consequence. The question is to be viewed without any sentimentality. We’re not there to have sympathy with the Jews, but only sympathy with our own German people. If the German people has again now sacrificed around 160,000 dead in the eastern campaign, the originators of this bloody conflict will have to pay for it with their lives.[65]
During 1942, Goebbels continued to press for the “final solution to the Jewish question” to be carried forward as quickly as possible now that Germany had occupied a huge swathe of Soviet territory into which all the Jews of German-controlled Europe could be deported. There they could be worked into extinction in accordance with the plan agreed on at the Wannsee Conference convened by Heydrich in January. It was a constant annoyance to Goebbels that, at a time when Germany was fighting for its life on the eastern front, there were still 40,000 Jews in Berlin.[66] They should be “carted off to Russia,” he wrote in his diary. “It would be best to kill them altogether.”[67] Once again, there is no doubt that Goebbels knew what would happen to the Jews who were to be “carted off.” Although the Propaganda Ministry was not invited to the Wannsee Conference, Goebbels knew by March what had been decided there.[68] He wrote:
The Jews are now being deported to the east. A fairly barbaric procedure, not to be described in any greater detail, is being used here, and not much more remains of the Jews themselves. In general, it can probably be established that 60 percent of them must be liquidated, while only 40 percent can be put to work […] A judgement is being carried out on the Jews which is barbaric, but fully deserved.[69]
[edit] Plenipotentiary for Total War
For Goebbels, 1943 and 1944 were years of struggle to rally the German people behind a regime which was increasingly obviously facing military defeat. The German people’s faith in Hitler was shaken by the disaster at Stalingrad, and never fully recovered.[70] During 1943, as the Soviet armies advanced towards the borders of the Reich, the western Allies developed the ability to launch devastating air raids on most German cities, including Berlin. At the same time, there were increasingly critical shortages of food, raw materials, fuel and housing. Goebbels and Speer were among the few Nazi leaders who were under no illusions about Germany’s dire situation. Their solution was to seize control of the home front from the indecisive Hitler and the incompetent Göring. This was the agenda of Goebbels’s “total war” speech of February 1943. But they were thwarted by their inability to challenge Hitler, who could neither make decisions himself nor trust anyone else to do so.
After Stalingrad, Hitler increasingly withdrew from public view, almost never appearing in public and rarely even broadcasting. By July, Goebbels was lamenting that Hitler had cut himself off from the people — it was noted, for example, that he never visited the bomb-ravaged cities of the Ruhr. “One can’t neglect the people too long,” he wrote. “They are the heart of our war effort.”[71] Goebbels himself became the public voice of the Nazi regime, both in his regular broadcasts and his weekly editorials in Das Reich. As Joachim Fest notes, Goebbels seemed to take a grim pleasure in the destruction of Germany’s cities by the Allied bombing offensive: “It was, as one of his colleagues confirmed, almost a happy day for him when famous buildings were destroyed, because at such time he put into his speeches that ecstatic hatred which aroused the fanaticism of the tiring workers and spurred them to fresh efforts.”[72]
In public, Goebbels remained confident of German victory: “We live at the most critical period in the history of the Occident,” he wrote in Das Reich in February 1943. “Any weakening of the spiritual and military defensive strength of our continent in its struggle with eastern Bolshevism brings with it the danger of a rapidly nearing decline in its will to resist… Our soldiers in the East will do their part. They will stop the storm from the steppes, and ultimately break it. They fight under unimaginable conditions. But they are fighting a good fight. They are fighting not only for our own security, but also for Europe’s future.”[73]
In private, he was discouraged by the failure of his and Speer’s campaign to gain control of the home front.
Goebbels remained preoccupied with the annihilation of the Jews, which was now reaching its climax in the extermination camps of eastern Poland. As in 1942, he was more outspoken about what was happening than Himmler would have liked: “Our state’s security requires that we take whatever measures seem necessary to protect the German community from [the Jewish] threat,” he wrote in May. “That leads to some difficult decisions, but they are unavoidable if we are to deal with the threat… None of the Führer’s prophetic words has come so inevitably true as his prediction that if Jewry succeeded in provoking a second world war, the result would be not the destruction of the Aryan race, but rather the wiping out of the Jewish race. This process is of vast importance.”[74]
Following the Allied invasion of Italy and the fall of Benito Mussolini in September, he and Joachim von Ribbentrop raised with Hitler the possibility of secretly approaching Joseph Stalin and negotiating a separate peace behind the backs of the western Allies. Hitler, surprisingly, did not reject the idea of a separate peace with either side, but he told Goebbels that he should not negotiate from a position of weakness. A great German victory must occur before any negotiations should be undertaken, he reasoned.[75] The German defeat at Kursk in July had, however, ended any possibility of this. Goebbels knew by this stage that the war was lost, but was unable to break the spell that Hitler had held over him since 1926.
As Germany’s military and economic situation grew steadily worse during 1944, Goebbels renewed his push, in alliance with Speer, to wrest control of the home front away from Göring. In July, following the Allied landings in France and the huge Soviet advances in Byelorussia, Hitler finally agreed to grant both of them increased powers. Speer took control of all economic and production matters away from Göring, and Goebbels took the title Reich Plenipotentiary for Total War (Reichsbevollmächtigter für den totalen Kriegseinsatz an der Heimatfront). At the same time, Himmler took over the Interior Ministry.
This trio — Goebbels, Himmler and Speer — became the real center of German government in the last year of the war, although Bormann used his privileged access to Hitler to thwart them when he could. In this Bormann was very successful, as the Party Gauleiter gained more and more powers, becoming Reich Defence Commissars (Reichsverteidigungskommissare) in their respective districts and overseeing all civilian administration. The fact that Himmler was Interior Minister only increased the power of Bormann, as the Gauleiters feared that Himmler, who was General Plenipontentiary for the Administration of the Reich, would curb their power and set up his higher SS and police leaders as their replacement.
Goebbels saw Himmler as a potential ally against Bormann and in 1944 is supposed to have voiced the opinion that if the Reichsführer SS was granted control over the Wehrmacht and he, Goebbels, granted control over the domestic politics, the war would soon be ended in a victorious manner. However, the inability of Himmler to persuade Hitler to cease his support of Bormann, the defection of SS generals such as Obergruppenführer Ernst Kaltenbrunner, the Chief of the Reichssicherheitshauptamt and his powerful subordinate Gruppenführer Heinrich Müller, the head of the Gestapo, to Bormann, soon persuaded Goebbels to align himself with the Secretary to the Führer at the end of 1944, thus accepting his subordinate position.
When elements of the army leadership tried to assassinate Hitler in the July 20 plot shortly thereafter, it was this trio that rallied the resistance to the plotters. It was Goebbels, besieged in his Berlin apartment with Speer and secretary Wilfred von Oven beside him but with his phone lines intact, who brought Otto Ernst Remer, the wavering commander of the Berlin garrison, to the phone to speak to Hitler in East Prussia, thus demonstrating that the Führer was alive and that the garrison should oppose the attempted coup.[76]
Goebbels promised Hitler that he could raise a million new soldiers by means of a reorganisation of the Army, transferring personnel from the Navy and Luftwaffe, and purging the bloated Reich Ministries which satraps like Göring had hitherto protected. As it turned out, the inertia of the state bureaucracy was too great even for the energetic Goebbels to overcome. Bormann and his puppet Lammers, keen to retain their control over the Party and State administrations respectively, placed endless obstacles in Goebbels’s way.[77] Another problem was that although Speer and Goebbels were allies, their agendas in fact conflicted: Speer wanted absolute priority in the allocation of labour to be given to arms production, while Goebbels sought to press every able-bodied male into the army. Speer, allied with Fritz Sauckel, the General Plenipotentiary for the Employment of Labour from 1942, generally won these battles.[78]
By July 1944, it was in any case too late for Goebbels and Speer’s internal coup to make any real difference to the outcome of the war. The combined economic and military power of the western Allies and the Soviet Union, now fully mobilised, was simply too great for Germany to overcome. A crucial economic indicator, the ratio of steel output, was running at 4.5 to one against Germany. The final blow was the loss of the Romanian oil fields as the Soviet Army advanced through the Balkans in September. This, combined with the U.S. air campaign against Germany’s synthetic oil production, finally broke the back of the German economy and thus its capacity for further resistance.[79] By this time, the best Goebbels could do to reassure the German people that victory was still possible was to make vague promises that “miracle weapons” such as the Me 262 jet airplane, the Type XXI U-boat, and the V-2 rocket could somehow retrieve the military situation.
[edit] Defeat and death
In the last months of the war, Goebbels’s speeches and articles took on an increasingly apocalyptic tone:
“Rarely in history has a brave people struggling for its life faced such terrible tests as the German people have in this war,” he wrote towards the end. “The misery that results for us all, the never ending chain of sorrows, fears, and spiritual torture does not need to be described in detail… We are bearing a heavy fate because we are fighting for a good cause, and are called to bravely endure the battle to achieve greatness.”[80]
By the beginning of 1945, with the Soviets on the Oder and the western Allies crossing the Rhine, Goebbels could no longer disguise the fact that defeat was inevitable. He knew what that would mean for himself: “For us,” he had written in 1943, “we have burnt our bridges. We cannot go back, but neither do we want to go back. We are forced to extremes and therefore resolved to proceed to extremes.”[81]
When other Nazi leaders urged Hitler to leave Berlin and establish a new center of resistance in the National Redoubt in Bavaria, Goebbels opposed this, arguing for a last stand in the ruins of the Reich capital.
By this time, Goebbels had gained the position he had wanted so long—at the side of Hitler, albeit only because of his subservience to Bormann, who was the Führer’s de facto deputy. Göring was utterly discredited, though Hitler refused to dismiss him until 25 April. Himmler, whose appointment as commander of Army Group Vistula had led to disaster on the Oder, was also in disgrace, and Hitler rightly suspected that he was secretly trying to negotiate with the western Allies. Only Goebbels and Bormann remained totally loyal to Hitler.[82] Goebbels knew how to play on Hitler’s fantasies, encouraging him to see in the death of American President Roosevelt on 12 April the hand of providence.[83] On 22 April, largely as a result of Goebbels’ influence, Hitler announced that he would not leave Berlin, but would stay and fight, and if necessary die, in defence of the capital.[84]
On 23 April, Goebbels made the following proclamation to the people of Berlin:
“I call on you to fight for your city. Fight with everything you have got, for the sake of your wives and your children, your mothers and your parents. Your arms are defending everything we have ever held dear, and all the generations that will come after us. Be proud and courageous! Be inventive and cunning! Your Gauleiter is amongst you. He and his colleagues will remain in your midst. His wife and children are here as well. He, who once captured the city with 200 men, will now use every means to galvanize the defense of the capital. The battle for Berlin must become the signal for the whole nation to rise up in battle…”[85]
Unlike many other leading Nazis at this juncture, Goebbels at least proved to have the courage of his convictions, moving himself and his family into the Führerbunker under the Reich Chancellery building in central Berlin. He told Vice-Admiral Hans-Erich Voss that he would not entertain the idea of either surrender or escape: “I was the Reich Minister of Propaganda and led the fiercest activity against the Soviet Union, for which they would never pardon me,” Voss quoted him as saying. “He couldn’t escape also because he was Berlin’s Defence Commissioner and he considered it would be disgraceful for him to abandon his post,” Voss added.[86]
On 30 April, with the Soviets advancing to within a few hundred metres of the bunker, Hitler dictated his last will and testament. Goebbels was one of four witnesses. Not long after completing it, Hitler shot himself. Of Hitler’s death, Goebbels commented: “The heart of Germany has ceased to beat. The Führer is dead.”
In his last will and testament, Hitler named no successor as Führer or leader of the Nazi Party. Instead, Hitler appointed Goebbels Reich Chancellor; Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz, who was at Flensburg near the Danish border, Reich President; and Martin Bormann, Hitler’s long-time chief of staff, Party Minister. Goebbels knew that this was an empty title. Even if he was willing and able to escape Berlin and reach the north, it was unlikely that Dönitz, whose only concern was to negotiate a settlement with the western Allies that would save Germany from Soviet occupation, would want such a notorious figure as Goebbels heading his government.
As it was, Goebbels had no intention of trying to escape. Voss later recounted: “When Goebbels learned that Hitler had committed suicide, he was very depressed and said: ‘It is a great pity that such a man is not with us any longer. But there is nothing to be done. For us, everything is lost now and the only way left for us is the one which Hitler chose. I shall follow his example’.”[87]
On 1 May, within hours of Hitler’s suicide on April 30, Goebbels completed his sole official act as Chancellor of Germany (Reichskanzler). He dictated a letter and ordered German General Hans Krebs, under a white flag, to meet with General Vasily Chuikov and to deliver his letter. Chuikov, as commander of the Soviet 8th Guards Army, commanded the Soviet forces in central Berlin. Goebbels’ letter informed Chuikov of Hitler’s death and requested a ceasefire, hinting that the establishment of a National Socialist government hostile to Western plutocracy would be beneficial to the Soviet Union, as the betrayal of Himmler and Göring indicated that otherwise anti-Soviet National Socialist elements might align themselves with the West. When this was rejected, Goebbels decided that further efforts were futile.[88] Shortly afterwards he dictated a postscript to Hitler’s testament:
“The Führer has given orders for me, in case of a breakdown of defense of the Capital of the Reich, to leave Berlin and to participate as a leading member in a government appointed by him. For the first time in my life, I must categorically refuse to obey a command of the Führer. My wife and my children agree with this refusal. In any other case, I would feel myself… a dishonorable renegade and vile scoundrel for my entire further life, who would lose the esteem of himself along with the esteem of his people, both of which would have to form the requirement for further duty of my person in designing the future of the German Nation and the German Reich.”[89]
Later on 1 May, Vice-Admiral Hans-Erich Voss saw Goebbels for the last time: “Before the breakout [from the bunker] began, about ten generals and officers, including myself, went down individually to Goebbels’s shelter to say goodbye. While saying goodbye I asked Goebbels to join us. But he replied: ‘The captain must not leave his sinking ship. I have thought about it all and decided to stay here. I have nowhere to go because with little children I will not be able to make it’.”[90]
At 8 p.m. on the evening of 1 May, Goebbels arranged for an SS doctor, Helmut Kunz, to kill his six children by injecting them with morphine and then, when they were unconscious, crushing an ampoule of cyanide in each of their mouths.[91] According to Kunz’s testimony, he gave the children morphine injections but it was Magda Goebbels and Stumpfegger, Hitler’s personal doctor, who then administered the cyanide.[92] Shortly afterwards, Goebbels and his wife went up to the garden of the Chancellery, where they killed themselves. The details of their suicides are uncertain. After the war, Rear-Admiral Michael Musmanno, a U.S. naval officer and judge, published an account apparently based on eye-witness testimony: “At about 8.15 p.m., Goebbels arose from the table, put on his hat, coat and gloves and, taking his wife’s arm, went upstairs to the garden.” They were followed by Goebbels’s adjutant, SS-Hauptsturmführer Günther Schwägermann. “While Schwägermann was preparing the petrol, he heard a shot. Goebbels had shot himself and his wife took poison. Schwägermann ordered one of the soldiers to shoot Goebbels again because he was unable to do it himself.”[93] One SS officer later said they each took cyanide and were shot by an SS trooper. An early report said they were machine-gunned to death at their own request. According to another account, Joseph shot Magda and then himself. This idea is presented in the movie Downfall.
The bodies of Goebbels and his wife were then burned in a shell crater, but owing to the lack of petrol the burning was only partly effective, and their bodies were easily identifiable. A few days later, Voss was brought back to the bunker by the Soviets to identify the partly burned bodies of Joseph and Magda Goebbels and the bodies of their children. “Vice-Admiral Voss, being asked how he identified the people as Goebbels, his wife and children, explained that he recognised the burnt body of the man as former Reichsminister Goebbels by the following signs: the shape of the head, the line of the mouth, the metal brace that Goebbels had on his right leg, his gold NSDAP badge and the burnt remains of his party uniform.”[94] The remains of the Goebbels family were secretly buried, along with those of Hitler, near Rathenow in Brandenburg. In 1970, they were disinterred and cremated, and the ashes thrown in the Elbe.
Joachim Fest writes: “What he seemed to fear more than anything else was a death devoid of dramatic effects. To the end he was what he had always been: the propagandist for himself. Whatever he thought or did was always based on this one agonising wish for self-exaltation, and this same object was served by the murder of his children… They were the last victims of an egomania extending beyond the grave. However, this deed, too, failed to make him the figure of tragic destiny he had hoped to become; it merely gave his end a touch of repulsive irony.”[95]
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http://www.calvin.edu/academic/cas/gpa/goebmain.htm Nazi Propaganda by Joseph Goebbels 1933-1945
This is a collection of English translations of Nazi propaganda material by Joseph Goebbels, part of a larger site on Nazi and East German propaganda. It includes many of his weekly articles for Das Reich, as well as a range of his speeches. Some of Goebbels’ pre-1933 articles and speeches are available on the pre-1933 section of the German Propaganda Archive. The portrait was done by Wilhelm Otto Pitthan. For further information on the German Propaganda Archive, see the FAQ.
Nazi articles on Joseph Goebbels:
Goebbels’ speeches on the eve of the new year:
Goebbels’ annual speeches on the eve of Hitler’s birthday:
Miscellaneous Speeches:
A selection of Goebbels’ articles:
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